Introduction

Before 'going into labour', and discussing its birth, perhaps it would be better, first of all, that we should know of the parents, and what brought them together. After all children should know, and have a right to know, who fathered them.

This could be the subject of much controversy, for depending on where you live and your social contacts, you have a choice of parents. Many of these contenders will be mentioned as we go along, even those whom I consider to have been impotent.

What will be put forward is not one of the accepted family trees of our 'child', but a personal, and quite probably, a new approach to this most controversial subject. So, we will start at the courtship period and see what the circumstances were, and who had a hand in bringing the parents together.

The Courting period

The Need for a New Party

The courting began at the beginning of the 19th century. This was the time of the Great Industrial Revolution, and there were many attempts to father the child. It is without doubt that there was an increasing necessity for this to take place, to cope with the social challenges which were presenting themselves, increasingly, as the century proceeded.

The Industrial Revolution at the early part of the century was in some respects improving the lot of the manual worker. For example, workers now slept and worked in different rooms. However, to quote Carl Brand:

“The New Towns were ugly, crowded, filthy and demoralizing. The conditions of life and labour there left memories that long influenced the working-class outlook, even after a century of piecemeal reform. Social legislation attempted to ameliorate the hard lot of the masses and much was accomplished in spite of bitter opposition from:
         1.      vested interests who said it SHOULD NOT be done;

2.      dismal economists who said it COULD NOT be done;

3.      those who wished for the 'STATUS QUO', and preached the virtue of contentment with things as they were in this life and looked forward to reward in the next!”

However, we know that the working class itself contributed much to its own improvement during this period. This was the era of the friendly societies, building societies, and social clubs. (The first Working-Men's Institute was formed in South Shields on 11th March 1850). The Public Libraries and Museums Act of 1850, resulted in the setting up of libraries, which were eagerly used by the working class.

The working man was trying to better the social conditions of the day and they formed organisations to this end

The Suitors come forward 

The Owenites

In 1844 a small group of men in Rochdale in Lancashire founded the Co-operative Society, from which the modern movement developed. These founders of the co-operative movement were in fact Owenites, followers of Robert Owen, the pioneer of British socialism. He did not, however, see the state as being the vehicle to use to achieve his aims. In fact, he was rather contemptuous of politics! He had in the 1830's, and others like him, tried to re-fashion the new trade unions then emerging and transform them into national guilds to carry on production under a system of workers control.

So Robert Owen and the formation of the societies, can be dismissed as the parents of Labour. All were, however, instrumental in improving conditions for the working man and were to influence the formation of the present day Labour Party at the turn of the 19th Century.

Trades Unions 

Trade Unions flourished following their legalisation in 1824. Yet despite this, problems were encountered when trying to form large, all embracing unions. This difficulty was overcome to some extent, in 1850, when the engineers cleverly solved the problem by federalism. This was a central policy carried out by autonomous branches. Nine years later came the formation of Trades Councils, and then in 1868 came the establishment of the Trades Union Congress.

Solidarity

So we see that, towards the end of the nineteenth century, the various social and economic changes were leading to a greater solidarity of manual workers.

 According to Henry Pelling in his   "Short History of Labour" :

 “This was enhanced by raising the standards of the unskilled workers to a level nearer to that of the artisans, and partly by depressing, or at the least, threatening, the relative position of the artisans, so much so that there was a reduction of the differential between 'general labour' and 'the trades'.”

The Churches

The encouragement for social improvements preached from many non-conformist pulpits up and down the country must not be forgotten. The influence of the non-conformist church was considerable, unlike the Church of England which remained firmly 'Establishment'.

But we must accept the caution of Asa Briggs and John Saville writing in "Essays of labour History" -:

“... radical nonconformity had become a retarding social and political influence in the eighties, its face set in a perpetual grimace at the Established Church and the Anglican landed aristocracy. The face was, however, only too often the face of a mill owner, like Alfred Illingworth, the non-conformist worsted spinner, whom Ben Tillett later fought (in an election) in West Bradford”.

We have these many strands of activity coming together, encouraging and supporting what we may now call 'a working class movement' in the country. Not only was it reacting to social changes taking place but was already beginning to have an influence itself on these changes.

Coming together

Who then were the parents of this political child of the 19th century? This is where the water gets a bit muddy!

Unlike the changes seen in answer to the social challenges of this period, the political scene was much slower to see change. It must be remembered, however, that it was not until 1867 that the urban worker got the vote and not until 1884, with the lowering of the property qualification, that 5/6ths of the MALE adult population was enfranchised.

This encouraged a few working men to venture into politics and stand for the House of Commons. In 1874, two miners, as members of the Labour Representative League a group associated to the Liberal party, were elected to Parliament. They were Thomas Burt for Morpeth, and Alexander McDonald for Stafford  But they were elected as Liberals, known in those days as being Lib-lab.

One of the problems was in finding working class candidates, as each candidate had to pay his own expenses at that time. So we had the Liberal candidates drawn in the main from either business or professional men, or non-conformist ministers.

A Working-Class Political Party

A few years earlier, there had been an attempt made towards forming a political arena for the working class. The London Trades Council had been formed in 1860 with the prime objective of keeping watch over the general interests of labour, political and social, both in and out of parliament.

Then in 1862, in pursuit of their political ends, they formed an organisation called the 'Trade Union Political Union' which a year later was renamed, somewhat clumsily, 'The Manhood Suffrage and Vote by Ballot Association'.

In the "Emergence of the Labour Party 1840 - 1924"  Roger Moore says,  

“If it did nothing else, the name certainly indicated the movements aims, but it was later deemed that something handier was desirable, so in 1865 it finally emerged as the 'National Reform League'.”

Despite this, there was to be little movement towards a working class party until the late 1880's. In London and the south there was the Socialist Democratic Federation. Founded in 1861 by Henry Mayers Hyndman as the 'Democratic Federation', it become the SDF in 1884. This organisation was based on the philosophy of Karl Marx, with his thoughts of collectivism and nationalisation. However, they never had success in electing M P's.

The Fabians and others  

By contrast, The Fabians, founded in January 1884, had a more lasting influence on British thought and politics than did the SDF. It had evolved from an ethical society 'The Fellowship of the New Life'. Early members included George Bernard Shaw and Sydney Webb - later joined by Beatrice Potter who was to become Sydney Webb's wife.

Its intellectual activity and output was enormous. They wrote, lectured and debated, just as today. They provided a basis for British socialist thought, but did not advocate a separate political party. We also had the Socialist International, and the Socialist League, the brainchild of William Morris, which was to have great influence in Bradford in the coming months, following the setting up of a branch there in 1886.

Here we have the first mention in the frame of Bradford which was soon to become a centre for political awareness. But there was still NO Political Party representing the workers interests.

New Unionism

Throughout the country there was growing uneasiness in the working fraternity. Until this time, they had hoped for their salvation through the Liberal Party. Indeed, it was through this Party that J Keir Hardie achieved much in Glasgow. But it was becoming apparent that, whilst the radical aims of the Liberals were acceptable to the working people, the heart of the Liberal Party itself was with the employers when it came to industrial matters.

In the late 1880's came the politically minded leadership of Will Thorne and Pete Curran of the Gasworkers Union, and not often heard of in connection with the Labour Movement. They were at work amongst the woollen operatives of Bradford and the north preaching 'New Unionism' and it was seen as a ray of hope for the oppressed workers. 

Labour makes a start

However the name 'Labour' was starting to be used in the titles of new groups being formed. In England In 1889, H H Champion was making his voice heard through his monthly paper 'Labour Elector', having left the SDF two years earlier. This appealed to working men by emphasising trade union aims more than, socialism: and an independent labour party was his objective. In 1886 the T.U.C. had created the Labour Electoral Association and had entered an unsatisfactory alliance with the Liberal Party. but through this vehicle Champion had seen the means to achieve his objective. M P's were to be elected as labour men, not Lib-labs and there would be a labour party in the Commons. But his ideal came to nought, and he was able only to use it as a threat to force concessions from the major party candidates. But his success lay in the fact  that he had sown the seeds of politics in the minds of the working man.

Meanwhile in Scotland there was the Scottish Labour Party which had been founded in 1888 by J Keir Hardie and Cunninghame-Graham. They had the idea of building a labour party first, and making it socialist at a later stage of development.

As Henry Pelling points out:

“Its name showed that it was designed to be a comprehensive political body, appealing to the whole of the working class; yet it was, at the same time, quite free from the prejudice of most labour politicians against middle class sympathisers."

Unfortunately, it was a very frail body, reflecting the weakness of the labour movement in Scotland at that time.

So we have yet to find the parents of the Labour Party, but we are getting much closer to finding out. The ardour of the working class was beginning to surface and these groups provided a basis for British socialist thought, but, apart from H H Champion's weak challenge through the T.U.C., they did not advocate a separate political party,

There may not yet be a political party representing the workers interests but the courtship period was ending.

The conception 

The Manningham Mills Strike

It was to be an industrial dispute involving the woollen workers which was to bring matters to a head. In 1890, the United States had imposed the McKinley Tariff. This had an immediate, depressant effect on British woollen exports. The Yorkshire mill-owners, led by Samuel Lister of the Manningham Mills in the West Yorkshire city of Bradford, decided that the only way to remain competitive was to cut costs. In their eyes, this meant only one thing - reducing wages.

The seed of the Labour movement was about to be sown.

The account of this gestation period from December 1890 up to the birth of Labour in Bradford on 13th January 1893 is based on the paper graphically written by Cyril Pearce.

On Tuesday 9 December 1890 a notice was posted outside the Manningham Mills  Bradford.

“S C Lister and Company regret to advise all weavers, pickers, spoolers and winders in the plush department that as from 24 December 1890 the pay for men plush weavers will be reduced from 26s 4½p per week to 25s per week. The rate for women weavers will be reduced from 21s 6d to 21s. Other rates will be reduced accordingly.  

Signed  Mr Reixach, Managing Director”

In fact the wages of the silk and plush weavers were to be reduced by varying amounts from 15 to 33 per cent.

In response to this, the unorganised workforce at the mill called upon W H Drew and Allen Gee of the West Riding Weavers and Textile Workers Association for help.

Drew: "In the two days since the notice went up outside the mill, Allen, we've organised a Workpeoples Standing Committee. I know the bosses’ demands are outrageous, but they'll have to negotiate. There's not many of them in the Union so it's going to be difficult."

Gee: “That's true, Harry, but we've got to be prepared for a strike, and that's going to take a lot of organising, and a lot of cash. Can you get the money in?”

They got the money. The Weavers Association looked after their members, and the organised women arranged collections for the strike fund.

One week later negotiations had broken down and 1,000 men were on strike. They were joined a week later by over 500 more. Bitterness between the two sides grew stronger. A third official of the Weavers Association joined the leaders of the worker's cause. Ben Turner, later to become M P for Batley, was a young man in his 20's and much more militant than either Harry Drew or Allen Gee; but he was a good public speaker.

Turner: “You've just heard Drew appeal for the boycotting of blacklegs and it's gradely to hear that the overlookers are refusing to train them. But I ask you all, both here in this Star Music Hall and the 2000 odd outside the building who couldn't get into this meeting, to do as Drew asks, - and we hope for only a little while longer, - abstain from alcohol! Don't give your opponents the justification for their accusations. And also remember, there must be peaceful conduct especially where the blacklegs are concerned.”

However suspicions deepened, especially concerning the attitude of the police, the Watch Committee and the Town Council. Pickets were attacked with unnecessary brutality, graphically recorded in the Yorkshire Factory Times of 13 February 1891:

“... The law with its myriad ways of help is used to the fullest extent in the endeavour to beat the strikers. Points of law, not defensible, are being resorted to in order that fear may act upon the hands. Men and women are taken into custody, and run into the front office, for no other purpose than to damage the workpeople in the eyes of the management.”

 'Free Speech' demanded.

On March 1st, a protest meeting was held at Peckover Walks, at which some 15,000 people were present. The Watch Committee was criticised, and its Liberal majority accused of class bias.

The strike was now gaining a stronger hold. By March 3rd the number of strikers totalled over 4,000 and production was brought to a standstill. On Thursday, March 26th, a procession through Bradford followed by a public meeting was attended by 20,000 people. Sympathy for the strikers was growing. A few days later, on Easter Monday, March 30th, crowds of similar numbers again gathered to protest.

The climax was near. It started on Sunday, April 12th, 1891 Drew approached Bradford's Chief Constable, the Mayor and the Town Clerk to advise them that the Bradford Trades Council had arranged for Ben Tillett, the leader of the London Docks Strike in 1889, to speak at St George's Hall. He requested permission to hold an overflow meeting on open space next to the Hall. The Watch Committee refused.

Nevertheless, the meetings went ahead. One of the speakers at the outdoor meeting was Haydn Saunders, a member of the Socialist League and a Walsall Councillor. He stood on a bench to address the crowd and was promptly arrested. He was taken to the police station and placed in the charge room but was not charged. It was apparent that the Watch Committee and the police were reluctant to have their actions discussed in court.

The Riot Act read

The following day, April 13th, things took a more serious turn. The Times carried this account of that Monday evening.

“As was feared, the disturbances which commenced yesterday afternoon became serious during the evening, so much so that throughout the whole of the night the town was one scene of disorder and uproar. The military had to be called out, and the Riot Act read by the Mayor, Mr. E W Hammond.”

So it was that, at 5 minutes past 9 o'clock that evening, 106 rank and file of the Durham Light Infantry arrived in the town centre from Bradford Moor, each having 40 rounds of ball cartridge.

They paraded the streets with bayonets drawn and charged the people in various directions. This proved ineffective and a baton charge by the police was deemed necessary. As a result of the evening's violence, many were injured and 10 men were arrested.

Resulting from this, the industrial confrontation was enlarged and put into a wider social and political context. For meanwhile, in a nearby street, Harry Drew was discussing events with Fred Jowett and other colleagues, about how they could challenge the intervention of the police.

"Labour must take political action to gain control of the police force. It's the only way to protect the civil liberties of the working class and ensure a fair deal." he said

Out of that remark, the vision of a political Labour Party, which had been advocated for so long, took root. Drew added, "In future, capitalists will have to reckon with whole communities of labour, rather than sections."

Birth Imminent  

The strike failed as a strike after 5 months of struggle, but the outcome was to have an immense influence in the political field with the formation in May 1891 of the Bradford Labour Union by W H Drew, who became its first President. The first of its kind in the country, it was determined to fight local and national elections with candidates representing the working classes, in total independence of the established parties.

The following year it changed its name to the Bradford Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) and the movement steamrolled throughout the country. It had been quickly followed by Colne Valley Labour Union in July 1891, Huddersfield Labour Union in September, Halifax in July 1892 and Keighley in October.

Robert Blanchford (founder of the Clarion newspaper) established the Manchester I L.P. and Joseph Burgess (owner and editor of the Workman's Times) set up the London I.L.P.. Burgess tried to organise a National I.L.P. through his Workers Times, but the strength of the movement in the North prevented a 'takeover' by the South. In South Shields, the local I.L.P. was formed in August 1892, the inaugural meeting being held in Moores Cocoa House in Church Way................. It ultimately became apparent that a national organisation was necessary. 

As a result, a resolution from W H Drew, President of Bradford's Trades Council, was submitted to the Trades Union Congress (T.U.C.) meeting at Glasgow in 1892. In proposing the motion, Drew stressed the need for........ "... a new political party, independent, and pledged to make the conditions of labour the paramount question in British politics."